Tag Archives: Cultural Heritage

Unlocking Centuries-Old Medical Wisdom: Armeno-Turkish Selected Manuscripts from the 18th-19th Centuries

A person’s health is under his teeth (Armenian proverb)

Lusine Khachatryan (Yerevan State University)

The purpose of this study is to explore Armeno-Turkish medical manuscripts, which are Turkish texts written in Armenian script, collected from the Matenadaran (Institute of Ancient Manuscripts, Yerevan) from the eighteenth to nineteenth centuries. including religious-philosophical treatises with sections on human physiology, drug books known as akhrapatin (ախրապատին), medical works and translations by both renowned and unknown authors, dictionaries in Turkish written with Armenian script, and practical manuals.

Most of these texts lack clear indications of their origin or time of compilation. Despite a recent surge of interest in Turkish manuscripts written in Armenian script (hereafter Armeno-Turkish), studies related to medical manuscripts have been largely overlooked by researchers. Limited information about these manuscripts is available only in the Matenadaran catalogues and in Hasmik Stepanyan’s bibliography.[1] Although Hakob Anasyan has explored the codicological features of Armenian medical manuscripts[2] his detailed analysis covers only four specific manuscripts from the Matenadaran.[3] Therefore, instead of exploring the codicological peculiarities of the manuscripts[4] this paper will focus on examining the main corpus of these codices, outlining the primary motivations of the authors and translators, and identifying the readership that had access to this translated and transcribed medical knowledge.

There are over thirty Armeno-Turkish medical manuscripts housed at the Matenadaran. These codices exhibit a wide variety of both content and linguistic styles. Notable[5] works include Ms 4026, which focuses on anthropology and includes a glossary of medicinal substances, and Ms 9559, a less decorated copy of Ms 4026 with consistent content but minor spelling differences​​. Ms 8102 is a translation and transcription of Dr. Zeyn al-Din al-Abidin’s work on nutritional therapy, highlighting the importance of diet in Ottoman medicine​​. Ms 10244, titled “Human Physiology,” is a translation of Abusaid’s work, intertwining Armenian and Turkish languages, and includes marginal annotations​​. Additionally, there are practical advisory manuals for everyday life, such as Ms 10346, which provides methods for obtaining oils and improving reproductive functions, and Ms 5538, an irregular mixed pharmacopoeia. These manuals, along with prescriptions for various diseases, offer useful household advice, such as methods for removing ink marks from clothes and recipes for making ink. The volume of unstudied material is substantial, making it challenging to provide exhaustive answers to all questions within a single article.

For instance, Ms 4026 lacks any reference to the author or translator, and the period and place of writing are unknown. The content focuses on anthropology and includes a glossary of medicinal substances derived from herbal, mineral, and animal origins. Judging by the degree of elaboration of the language, one assumes that it is transcribed from (Ottoman-) Turkish. The pages are decorated with ornaments, indicating a meticulous approach to its presentation (see illustration 1).

Illustration 1, Ms 4026 f. 001r

The pages of the copy of the same manuscript, Ms 9559, are less decorated (see illustration 2); the content remains consistent with the original, apart from a few spelling differences that may be attributed to transcription errors (see table below)​​.

Illustration 2, Ms 9559, f. 001v
MS 4026MS 9559Translation
Müḳaddema ilmi   tıb mevzui ve tarifi beyaninde dürMüḳaddema ilmi   tıb mevzui ve tarifi beyaninde dirintroduction of medical science and description  
Ve bu ilmi tıbıñVe bu ilmi tıbınand this knowledge   of medicine
Ve bu ilmi tbbnñmevzui eşref  maḫluḳat olan ınsanñ bedeni Ve bu ilmi tbbnñmevzui eşref  maḫluḳat olan ınsanñ bedeni and this medicine the subject along with the noble creature human body
Table 1: Ms 4026 and MS 9559 in comparison

Although no information about the author or the place of compilation of Ms 9559 has been preserved, the existence of a copy suggests its significance and popularity at the time. This indicates that the manuscript was likely widely circulated. Additionally, the text of this manuscript is very similar in both content and style to the texts of other notable manuscripts, such as Ms 8102, which covers nutritional therapy by Dr. Zeyn al-Din al-Abidin, and Ms 10244, which is titled “Human Physiology” and combines Armenian and Turkish languages with marginal annotations.

Ms. 8102 is a translation and transcription of the work by Dr. Zeyn al-Din al-Abidin, who held the position of chief physician in the hospital founded by Fatih in Istanbul during the reign of Sultan Murad IV (1623-1640). The manuscript, dating back to 1724, consists of two parts. The first part is a translation from Ottoman Turkish to Armenian, with a small head-note by the translator mentioning the source Turkish text (տաճիկ). The second part (ff. 24v-49v) contains an Armeno-Turkish transcription-translation of the work, which discusses nutritional therapy—considered one of the pillars of Ottoman medicine.[6] A great deal of attention was given to a proper diet, eating, and sleeping regime. More radical means of treatment were applied only when necessary, with surgical intervention being a last resort. Ms 8102 supports this view, with all chapters devoted to describing the nature of diets, food, and minerals, based on the paradigms of ancient Greco-Roman medicine, particularly Plato’s teaching on the four elements. The data from natural sciences and medical branches such as anthropology, pathology, pharmacology, and nutrition were also interpreted according to the principles of this theory about the cosmos (macrocosm) and man (microcosm). For example one reads Geyik eti ḫar yabis dir[7] (Venison is hot [and] dry); Taze balık rutub ve barid (Fresh fish is moist and cold); ḳuru yemişlerin tibatlerine dir (about the nature of dried fruits). [8] cevahirin tabietlerin ve ḫasselerin ve vicüdi insane mütealik fayide lerin beyan ider.[9] About the benefits of gems and patuskha (A type of very soft cotton cloth; sateen) for the human body. Like the other manuscripts here the author also refers to their predecessors, especially Galeonos (129c.-216c.), whose works, as emphasised by many researchers, formed the basis of the general concepts of Islamic and Ottoman medicine.[10]  In this manuscript, the author often refers to Galeonos and Aristotle accordingly. Thus, one reads that “[…]Calinos hakım ider layık olan bu dur ki..[11] (Calinos considers it correct; what is proper is this.); or […] emma Calinos ider. Tazesi yurei sürer.[12] (But Calinos says, the fresh one is healthy) Or […] Arastatlis ider.[13](Aristotle says that).

Ms 10244 is the translation of the work by Abusaid, titled “Human Physiology.” Abusaid, an Assyrian scholar, resided among Armenians and Greeks in Cilicia, and was known for translating ancient Greek literature into Assyrian and later into Arabic, the lingua franca of the Muslim world at the time. His work significantly contributed to the preservation and dissemination of Greek knowledge throughout the Islamic world, facilitating cross-cultural intellectual exchanges and influencing various fields of study as philosophy, science, and medicine.[14]Among Abusaid’s works, only his treatise on human composition has survived in the Armenian version. It is noteworthy that the Matenadaran houses over thirty copies of this particular work,[15] although the Armeno-Turkish version remains unstudied. Additionally, Ms 10244 contains prescriptions and a pharmacy book, which are partly in Armenian. In these texts, Armenian and Turkish languages are intertwined in a mixed form. For instance, “ve (սօղուն) soghunler ki elan denilir” (soghunler: soghun [Armenian for reptile] + ler  [Turkish suffix for plural], which translates to “soghunler that is called yilan” [Turkish for snake]. Another example is a chapter title written in Armenian:  “Vasn steghtsman srti” (“For the creation of the heart”), followed by a mixture of Armenian and Turkish: “Yaratdi alah yuregi bir padişah cami vicude sıcak ve kuru edti onu ve cami herar eti kodu vicude sıcaklik yurekden gelir ve yurekde asla durmaz…” (And God created the heart as padishah for the whole body, made it warm and dry, and heat flows from the heart and never stops…)[16].

Apart from references, the manuscript contains marginal annotations and explanations to the main text, and it is not easy to determine whether the marginalia belong to the author or the readers. Medicine, like any other science, could not develop in isolation. When discussing Ottoman medicine, it must be viewed within the broader context of Islamic medicine, which was founded on various civilizational influences (e.g., Indian, Persian, Greek, etc.). Among these, the Greco-Roman paradigms were particularly influential. While authors of medical treatises acknowledged and respected many of the great masters who came before them, Galeonos is the most frequently referenced in their works. For example, in Ms 10244, the author-scribe mentions that “The masters of old carefully and deliberately chose medical knowledge among the sciences. These ancient masters valued and heeded the wisdom of both the Greeks and the Jews”.[17] “[…] ilacların faydalığı ki ḳulandiler ustaṫ hekim ler. ḳalianos. aristotel. ṗagrad. ve bunlerden yayıdi cemi miletlere. uṙumelie bağ(d)ade. aceme hinde ve cemi dunyaye ne şekil ki hagdan verildi yogardan ve olduler ṗirer ilimdar menşur hekim. ve bunların ustağınden çoḳ ler ustaṫ oldu ve tercube etṫiler ki biri bunlerden abu sayid denilir”… ( and the benefits of medicine which the master physicians such as  Gallianus, Aristotle, and Bagrat, applied, and from them [their knowledge] spread to all nations like the Baghdad Greeks,  Persians, the Indians, and to the whole world.  In addition, it was gifted from God and they became educated and renowned doctors. And many of them from these masters became skilled gained experience and one of them was called Abusayid…)” [18]

Influence and Integration of European Medical Knowledge

Starting in the 11th century, European physicians sought out books written in Arabic. The works of Razes, Avicenna, Abul-Kasis, and El-Medjuchi were translated into Latin. However, the Arab scholars themselves were significantly influenced by and benefited from the works of Galeonos and the teachings of Hippocrates (450c.-380c. BC), Dioskorid (40c.-90c.)[19]. Although conventionally called Islamic medical paradigms had been circulating for a long time in the Ottoman environment, in the 15th and 16th centuries, the main directions of medicine gradually began to undergo changes.[20] 

As Boyar emphasised, the earliest Ottoman Turkish translations of European medical texts appeared around 1500, marking the first transcultural contacts. [21]  The turning period of the appropriation of European medical knowledge can be observed in the second half of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century in the Ottoman Empire. [22]  Manuscript Ms 9711, a bilingual Armenian and Armeno-Turkish treatise written in 1768, indicates that the Armenian readership was already somewhat acquainted with the works of European physicians. This work discusses various kinds of diseases, including mental diseases and human organ systems. For example, referring to the lymphatic system, the author uses the term “lymph” to describe it ([…] ona lınfa denir ve bu hem sulu dur hem zamgiyetli […] (it is called lymph, and it is both watery and thick…). [23]

The second part of the work analyses pathology in detail. Apart from the translation of Islamic medical works mentioned above, this work introduced European medical knowledge to its Armenian and Turkish speaking Armenian recipients. At the end of the text, the colophon provides details about the work as the following: “the work is translated into Ottoman Turkish by the great Spanish physician Julia from Latin language by the request of a doctor from Costandnopolis Karapet, then it was proofread by Manuel the priest, and the priest Georg appreciated doctor Karapet that he wrote this medical book both in Armenian and Turkish (տաճկեվար) for the benefit of my nation.”[24]

The several annotations on later owners (doctor Mkhitar from Kesaria, doctor Movses) as well as a verse quatrain in Armeno -Turkish dedicated to incurable diseases approve the wide circulation of the manuscript. It is clear from the manuscript’s text that this medical school already employs entirely different concepts and terminology compared to its predecessors, which are closer to our understanding of modern medicine. This evolution in medical knowledge warrants further investigation from the perspective of medical history.

Another example of reflection of the Ottoman – European medical transcultural contacts is the Ms 9583, entitled Ḫamsetu l-Hayati (Quintet of Hayati) and translated in 1772. According to the Armenian colophon of the translator and the scribe Nikolaios, it is Armeno-Turkish transcription (տաճկական տառից ի հայկական տառս փոխարկել) of the well-known work by Mustafa Ḫayatizade or Mustafa Feyiz. Additionally, Nikolaios mentioned that he provided “two-three” copy of the same work, which in its turn shows the demand and practical meaning of the work. Then he adds the following: “I could barely finish my book called Ḫamsetu l-Hayati, with great difficulty [and] I compiled Arabic and Persian dictionary according to alphabetical order especially for inexperienced [people]”[25].  Furthermore, he mentions that he dedicated his work to Doctor Jacob” and to the whole Armenian (Haikazian) nation.[26]   

It is noteworthy that the glossary contains not only Arabic and Persian loanwords but also Latin equivalents and herbal names as the followings: Ali esphagos oti, yani diş oti Ali espagos / (It means toothwort, (plumbago europaea); Alleriḳ. Acḳarnıne dimek dür[27] (That is what they call hunger).

Moreover, the work obviously drew upon Latin texts authored by various European writers from the sixteenth century and the first half of the seventeenth centuries and discusses diseases like syphilis and plague, which were newly discovered during this period and whose treatments were not readily found in the earlier treatises of renowned physicians.[28]

Folk Medicine and Practical Compendiums

The manuscripts mentioned above represent examples of medical treatises that were known and circulated throughout the Ottoman Empire. Օne should not ignore the fact that a significant segment of the population lacked access to the healthcare facilities. To fully understand Ottoman medicine, it is crucial to study the branch of folk medicine, which combines practical herbalism, mysticism, and superstition. Rhoad Murphey highlighted the limited sources available for studying this topic, emphasising the importance of medical notebooks, diaries, and prescription books.[29] These seemingly inconsequential, small-scale edicts and charms played a crucial role for individuals lacking access to courtly literature. The prevalence of compendiums catering to folk medicine suggests their extensive utilisation. These compendiums, along with their prescriptions, incorporated elements of superstition and mysticism, as evidenced by the manuscripts under discussion. Among the manuscripts, there are those containing astrological charms as well as prescriptions. The Ms 9906, for example is a collection of prescriptions in several languages: Armenian, Armeno-Turkish, Persian and Arabic (illustration 3, 4).  

llustration 3, Ms 9906 f.  007v           Illustration 4, Ms 9906, f.008v

Ms 10183 contains medicinal names and translations of plant names in Armeno-Turkish, as well as magical words in a secret language and horoscopes. The stylistic composition of this manuscript differs from others, as it includes both prescriptions and incantations written in a secret language and Armenian script (illustration 3, 4, 5) Ms 5538 is an irregular mixed pharmacopoeia with a handwritten statement in Armenian. The second page (f. 001v) is titled “Chemistry,” but it discusses more about a prescription describing a method of obtaining a substance.

Illustration 5, Ms 10183 f.005r

Ms 10346 is a similar bilingual manuscript, written in 1856 in Urfa (in the Armenian part of the manuscript named it as Edesia). According to the colophon, the work was compiled by the priest Petros as a gift to the son of surgeon Grigor (Cerrah Grigor): The works ranges from various prescriptions and methods for obtaining oils described in either Armenian or Armeno-Turkish, or a mixture of both languages. For example, there is an entry “yağ ğırınfili” (clove oil) and its recipe[30]. Sometimes lexical mixed Armenian and Armeno-Turkish clarifications are provided in the texts, such as in the following:  […] as mormeni kokın, vor tach’ikn boghurtlan kasi/ (here is the root of blackberry (rubus), which Turks would say boğurtlan).[31]

Moreover, these brief collections of prescriptions provide more insight into practical domestic medicine than works that resemble religious-philosophical treatises in their meaning.

Thus, one can see that manuscripts written in Armeno-Turkish contributed to the proliferation and popularisation of Turkish as a scientific language of medicine for the time. The authors, through their supplementary dictionaries and marginal notes, sought to make the content as accessible as possible to both Armenian-speaking and Turkish-speaking members of the Armenian community, specifically noting in the records that “writing in two languages serves the benefit of the people.” These manuscripts were instrumental in disseminating knowledge throughout the multicultural and multiethnic Ottoman Empire, reaching beyond major educational hubs to even the peripheries. They played a crucial role in establishing Turkish as a scientific language of medicine. The inclusion of dictionaries, commentaries, and annotations by translators made this knowledge accessible to a broader audience. Despite their significant impact, these medical manuscripts have been largely overlooked by researchers and warrant in-depth, comprehensive study. Furthermore, discovering equivalent originals and performing comparative analyses would offer valuable insights into the evolution and cross-cultural exchanges in medical knowledge.


[1] Hasmik Stepanyan, “ Ts‘uts‘ak hayeren dzeṛagreri hayataṛ turk‘eren nyuteri ev hayataṛ turk‘eren dzeṛagreri [Catalogue of Armeno-Turkish materials of Armenian manuscripts and Armeno-Turkish manuscripts] (Yerevan: Published by the author, 2008), 245-251.

[2] All the examined manuscripts are listed under the title “Medicines” in the Matenadaran catalogues.

[3] Hakob Anasyan, “ ZhĚ  darum gruats hayatar turkeren ch‘ors bzhshkaranner”, [Four Armenian Script Turkish medical works compiled in the eighteenth century which were MSs 4026, 8102, 9711, 9583 ], Shoghakat‘ (1977): 100-10; See Haykakan matenagitut‘yun E-ZhĚ darerum,  Bzhshkagitakan nyut‘er- Germanos Kostandnopolsets‘i” [The Armenian Bibliography  in the Fifth- eighteenth century, Medical materials] Vol. 3. (Yerevan; Zangak-97, 2004), 40-45.

[4] All the examined manuscripts are listed under the title “Medicines” in the Matenadaran catalogues.

[5] The initial observations indicate that the mentioned works revolve around core concepts, conveying the author’s and/or the scribe’s own additions and ideas in a literary language characteristic of the era. These initial findings suggest that the manuscripts house important and professionally valuable works from that period, which are under the scope in the further study.

[6] Miri, Sheffer-Mossenson, Ottoman Medicine Healing and Medical Institutions, 1500-1700, (Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 2009), 30.

[7] Ms 8102, Mashtots Matenadaran, Ancient Manuscripts collection (hereafter Matenadaran), f. 030v. All translations are my own unless otherwise stated.  The Armeno-Turkish transcriptions are according to the scheme suggested by Hülya Çelik and Ani Sargsyan. See “Introducing Transcription Standards for Armeno-Turkish Literary Studies”, Diyâr, 3. Jg., 2 (2022): 161–189.

[8] Ms8102, Matenadaran, f.036r.

[9] Ms8102, Matenadaran, f.041v.

[10]Arslan Terzioğlu, “Galen and his Influence on Turkish-Islamic Medicine,” in Beiträge Zur Geschichte Der Türkish-Islamischen Medizin, Wissenschaft und Technik, ed. by Arslan Terzioğlu et al., 11-17. (Istanbul: Isis, 1996).

[11] Ms 8102, Matenadaran f. 027r.

[12] Ms 8102, Matenadaran, f. 037r.

[13] Ms 8102, Matenadaran, f. 041v.

[14] Nükhet Varlık states that there were very few books in spoken Turkish in the palace library, “The overwhelming majority of titles in this section is written in Arabic—the lingua franca of medicine in the Islamicate world in the mediaeval and early modern eras. There are eighteen titles in Persian, and five in Turkish.” Varlık, Nükhet. “Books on Medicine: Medical Knowledge at Work.” In Treasures of Knowledge: Studies and Sources in Islamic Art and Architecture, Supplements to Muqarnas, An Inventory of the Ottoman Palace Library (1502/3–1503/4), Volume I, 527-557. Leiden: Brill, 2019.

[15] Stella Vardanyan, Hayastani bzhshkut’yan patmut’yun, hnaguyn zhamanaknerits minch’ev mer orerĕ, [The history of Armenian medicine from ancient times to the present day], (Yerevan: Qnnaser, 2000.), 122.

[16] Ms 10244, Matenadaran, f. 004v

[17] […]Doğru ve kikir ile seçmiş ler ilimdalar hekimlik ustalığı esḳi zaman ustaleri ve rumların ve yahudilerini bilmişler ve doymişler[…], see Ms 10244 Matenadaran, f. 002r.

[18] Ms10244, Matenadaran, f 002r.

[19] Karapet Basmadjian, Amirdovlatʿ of Amasya, Angitats Anpet: am Bararan bzhshkakan niwtʿosʿ[Ignorant useless, dictionary of medical materials], Vienna, 1926, 4.

[20]Spyros N. Michaleas, Konstantinos Laios, Gregory Tsoucalas, and Georges Androutsos, “Theophrastus Bombastus Von Hohenheim (Paracelsus) (1493–1541): The Eminent Physician and Pioneer of Toxicology”, Toxicology Reports 8 (2021): 411-414.

[21] Ebru Boyar, “Medicine in Practice: European Influences on the Ottoman Medical Habitat.” Turkish Historical Review 9 (2018): 214-215.

[22] Ebru Boyar, “Medicine in Practice: European Influences on the Ottoman Medical Habitat,” 217.

[23] Ms9711, Matenadaran, f.018v.

[24] Ms 9711, Matenadaran, f. 171r.

[25] Ms 9583, Matenadaran, f.203r-250v.

[26] Ms 9583, Matenadaran, f. 200r.

[27] Ms 9583, Matenadaran, f. 203r.

[28] Sisman Cengiz, “Transcending Diaspora: Studies on Sabbateanism and Dönme. Hayatizade Mustafa Efendi (Moshe ben Fafael Abravanel), The Physician- in-Chief of the Ottoman Palace: Marrano Legacy, Ottoman Medicine and the Sabbatean Movement, Libra (2016): 83. 

[29]Rhoad Murphey,”Ottoman Medicine and Transculturalism From the Sixteenth Through the Eighteenth Century.” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 66, no. 3 (Fall 1992): 376-403.

[30] Ms 10346, Matenadaran, f. 002v.

[31] Ms 10346, Matenadaran, f.  007r.

The Oldest Turkish Cookbook Printed with Armenian Letters: Yemek ve Hamur İşleri Tertibi

Yavuz Köse (University of Vienna)

Introduction[1]

The notable surge in interest in culinary topics is not just a recent phenomenon post-pandemic: countless cooking shows circulate across all channels; Netflix alone broadcasts a variety of documentaries and cooking shows about foods and beverages from around the world. Cookbooks are selling like hotcakes globally. For instance, if you search for “Turkish Cuisine” on the online sales platform Pandora, the platform lists more than 650 titles. Moreover, the market does not seem to have reached saturation.

Among all these, historical cookbooks have their unique charm, offering us perspectives not only in terms of recipes, ingredients, and preparation techniques but also on matters of “mentalities, customs, ideas, daily life, technological developments”. They assist in researching topics such as “culinary history, culinary development, table manners, and social differences”.[2]

In this article, I aim to introduce a historically overlooked and intriguing cookbook: Yemek ve Hamur İşleri Tertibi [The Arrangement of Cookery and Pastries], published in 1861 in Istanbul. The book is in Turkish with Armenian letters, a script known as Armeno-Turkish. The cookbook addresses a notable gap in previous research on Ottoman/Turkish cookbooks and establishes new connections with existing culinary literature. Beyond complementing the extant body of work[3], the book facilitates an examination of the influence of Ottoman cookbook recipes on Armeno-Turkish books. Furthermore, it allows us to trace the impact of Armeno-Turkish cookbooks on those written in Ottoman Turkish.

Genealogy of Ottoman Cookbooks

When Turgut Kut first undertook to systematically study Ottoman cookbooks and their interrelations in 1985, he proposed the following genealogy in his annotated bibliography on the subject:

Source: Turgut Kut, Açıklamalı Yemek Kitapları Bibliyografyası. Eski Harfli Yazma ve Basma Eserler. Ankara 1985, 22.

According to this, the cookbook titled Melceü’t-Tabbâhîn (The Shelter of Cooks), published in 1844, played a central role.[4] Although Kut hinted at the existence of Armeno-Turkish cookbooks, he did not delve into their relationship with other cookbooks in his genealogy. However, traces of this issue can be found in a master’s thesis completed in 2019. Ergen’s study briefly chronicles all known Ottoman recipe books alongside those written in Armenian letters, examining the relationship between these cookbooks by focusing solely on their table of contents sections. Ergen admits in her thesis that she included cookbooks published in 1861, 1871, and 1876 without having seen them in person, noting that she had indirect access to the table of contents section of the 1871 and 1876 publications.[5] She states that the contents of the 1871 publication were provided to her as a “list” and that she used an article by Turgut Kut (2009) that included the table of contents section of the same publication from 1876.[6] Besides a brief entry in Hasmik Stepanyan’s Bibliography of Armenian-Letter Turkish Books and Periodicals[7], Ergen found no information on the cookbook introduced here.

Comparative Analysis of Historical Cookbooks

When comparing the table of contents sections of the 1871 and 1876 editions, inconsistencies in the number and arrangement of recipes are observed. This is particularly striking for the cookbook published in 1871 titled Yeni Yemek Kitabı ve Hamur İşleri. Şimdiki Usuller ve Meşhur Aşçıların Kullandıkları Tertibler Üzerine (New Cookbook and Pastries. Current Methods and the Arrangements Used by Famous Chefs)[8]. The conclusions Ergen reached about a book she had not seen herself show differences from what we see in the actual “contents” section available today. For instance, there are inconsistencies in the number of recipes; Ergen mentions having a list with 180 recipes, yet the table of contents section we have lists only 150 recipes. Furthermore, the table of contents section is not disorganised; rather, it is divided into eight sections, including titles. The book also contains an introductory section explaining why the author wrote the book, unfortunately using only the initials T.V. instead of a full name. The introduction goes as follows:

As everything changes with time, so have the arrangements of dishes changed in the current era compared to twenty or thirty years ago, and it is for this reason that we have directly embarked on publishing this booklet; although a cookbook was printed previously, its arrangements did not match, making it unsuitable for current chefs, and because that previous cookbook was lacking in another sense of arrangement, we have added an index at the end of this book to facilitate finding the dishes as easily as possible. [9]

This takes us to the cookbook from 1861. A connection can seemingly be made from the titles of both books: Yemek ve Hamur İşleri Tertibi (İstanbul, 1861) and Yeni Yemek Kitabı ve Hamur İşleri. (İstanbul, 1871)

This connection becomes clearer in light of T.V.’s explanations in the introduction. In fact, the 1861 cookbook is disorganized – that is, recipes are not sorted into specific sections – and lacks a table of contents section, which would have naturally facilitated the reader’s navigation and use of the book, especially considering that recipes could easily be linked to the sections of the 1871 cookbook. An unfinished, handwritten, alphabetically arranged table of contents page was added to the existing edition, presumably to allow quick access to the recipes.

Alafranga börek 69
Bitter almond 110
Persian pilaf 21
Quince desserts 60
Quince jam 52-53
Ashura 47
Quiet helva 44
Hunter’s kebab 60
Pear and apple compote 51
Syrup 56
Scorpion fish grill 90
Apricot and plum dessert 50
Creamy crunchy 75
Creamy kadayif 39
Source: Yemek ve Hamur İşleri Tertibi (İstanbul, 1861)

When comparing the two books, one can see that 96 out of the total 180 recipes in the 1861 edition also appear in the 1871 book. This corresponds to 64% of the 150 recipes in the Yeni Yemek Kitabı. Except for one dish, almost no recipes containing alcohol (especially wine) are found in the 1871 edition, and the use of pork fat is also omitted from the “Lahana Dolması” (“Stuffed Cabbage”) recipe in this book. In contrast, the Armenian-Turkish cookbook Miftahü’t-tabbahin (The Cook’s Key, 1876) contains many recipes involving pork and alcohol. Similarly, the last Turkish cookbook in Armenian letters, Mükemmel Yemek Kitabı (The Perfect Cookbook, 1926), does not include any pork recipes, but the section titled “Alafranga Style” contains recipes with wine and rakı.[10]

Let’s return to the relationship between Armeno-Turkish and Ottoman Turkish cookbooks. What is the connection between cookbooks published in 1861 and 1871 in Armenian letters and the oldest printed Ottoman Turkish cookbook from 1844? A comparison of the recipes in the 1861 book (180 recipes) with those in Mehmed Kâmil’s Melceü’t-Tabbâhîn (The Shelter of Cooks, 272 recipes) shows that 69 recipes have identical titles. This corresponds to 38% of the 180 recipes in the 1861 book. On the other hand, a comparison between the recipes in the 1871 book and Melceü’t-Tabbâhîn reveals 52 identical recipe titles, accounting for 35% of the total 150 recipes. Thus, it can be said that there are significant similarities between the recipes in the 1844 and 1861 books.

Another interesting point is the resemblance of the 1871 Armeno-Turkish cookbook to an Ottoman Turkish cookbook first printed in 1880: Yeni Yemek Kitabı. Şimdiki Usuller ve Meşhur Aşçıların Kullandığı Tertipler Üzere bi-Nazır Ta’amların Tertibatı (Current Methods and the Arrangements Used by Famous Chefs Regarding the Preparation of Unique Dishes).[11] Not only the titles but also the table of contents of the two books are nearly identical in content and structure. Ergen’s study does not make this connection because it was conducted using a “contents” section that was not original and, unfortunately, could not realizethat the 1861 Armeno-Turkish cookbook served as a model for the 1871 edition.

Comparing the 1861 and 1871 cookbooks with the 1876 Miftahü’t-tabbahin, only 28 out of 180 recipes (about 16%) from the earlier editions are found in Miftahü’t-tabbahin (which contains 750 recipes), representing less than 4% of the recipes in the later publication. In the Yeni Yemek Kitabı (1871, with 150 recipes), we find a total of 32 recipes. These recipes make up about 4% of the 750 dishes in Miftahü’t-tabbahin and 21% of the 1871 cookbook. Therefore, we can say that only a small portion of the recipes from the 1861 and 1871 cookbooks appear in Miftahü’t-tabbahin. The same applies to the recipes in Melceü’t-Tabbâhîn.

Now, let’s make a comparative analysis in terms of content. For this comparison, I have selected recipes found in the cookbooks dated 1844 (Ottoman), 1861 (Armeno-Turkish), 1871 (Armeno-Turkish), 1876 (Armeno-Turkish), and 1882/1894 (Ottoman).

An examination of the recipe texts in this context reveals interesting connections:

The descriptions in the recipes that appear in both the 1861 and 1871 editions are almost identical, with only minor stylistic differences. Other recipes show a more intense editorial hand in terms of style.

Although only about 35% of the recipes from the 1844 and 1861 publications match, the recipes in both books show significant similarities.

Yemek ve Hamur İşleri Tertibi, 1861Melceü‘t Ṭabbāḫīn, 1844
Pirinc paḳlavası (Rice baklava)
Bir ölçü erimiş ve köpüyü alınmış bal; ve bir ölçü erimiş yaġ; ve bir  ölçü su, ve bir ölçüden az ziyade pirinc unu ve bir fincan durulmuş küllü su; bu cümlesini bir tencireye ḳoyub ateş üstünde kebçe ile ḳarıştıraraḳ temam helva gibi ḳoyu olduḳda bir tepsi içine kepçe ile yalıb furunda pişirmeli; eyice ḳızardıḳda paklava gibi kesib şeker ekmeli.  Bir ölçü erimiş ve köpüğü alınmış  asel  ve bir ölçü erimiş  rûgan-ı sâde  ve bir ölçü su ve bir ölçü  torukluca pirinç  unu ve bir  fincan  durulmuş keskince  küllü su . Cümlesini bir tencereye vaz birle ateş üstünde  kepçe  ile karıştırarak tamam  helva  gibi koyuldukta bir  tepsi  içine  kepçe ile yayıp  fırında tabh oluna iyice kızardıkta çıkarıp  baklava şeklinde kesip üzerine  şeker  ekip tenâvül buyrula. Asel bulunmaz ise kıvamlıca  şeker  istimal oluna.
A measure of melted and skimmed honey; and a measure of melted butter; and a measure less than a measure of rice flour and a cup of clarified lime water; mix all these in a pot on the fire, stirring with a ladle until it thickens like halva, then spread it with a ladle into a tray and bake in the oven; when it has browned well, cut into baklava pieces and sprinkle with sugar.  Mix a measure of melted and skimmed honey, a measure of melted plain butter, a measure of water, a measure of finely ground rice flour, and a cup of clarified lime water. Combine all in a pot and mix with a ladle over the fire until it thickens like halva, then spread in a tray with a ladle and bake in the oven until well browned, then remove, cut into baklava shapes, sprinkle sugar on top, and serve. If honey is not available, use thick sugar.  

While the Ottoman version frequently employs Persian compound structures, these are not used in the Armenian-letter Turkish version; aside from this, the amounts and ingredients are nearly identical.

Looking closely at the recipes in the 1871 edition, we can establish a direct connection to the Ottoman Turkish New Cookbook first published in 1880 and subsequently reprinted three times.[12] The language of the recipes in the 1871 Armeno-Turkish book is almost identical to that of the Ottoman Turkish cookbook. Comparing the two books reveals that the Ottoman version was likely directly transferred from the Armeno-Turkish edition. As shown earlier, even the introduction to the Ottoman cookbook, with a few minor differences, is the same.

Yemek ve Hamur İşleri Tertibi, 1861Yeni Yemek Kitabı ve Hamur İşleri. Şimdiki Usuller ve Meşhur Aşçıların Kullandıkları Tertibler Üzerine (1871)Yeni Yemek Kitabı
Şimdiki uṣūller ve meşhūr aşçılarıñ ḳullandıġı tertībler üzre bī-neẓīr ṭaʿāmlarıñ tertibātı
(1882/83)
Gözleme
Ḫamuru bir kaç yumurta ile say yaġilen gereyi gibi yoġurduḳdan soġra üç tabaġa açıb aralerine yaġ sürerek biri birinin üzerine ḳoymalı ve kyaġad büker gibi büküb parça parça keserek yaġı dişarı gelmemek içün uclarını sıkıb kesilmiş tarafından avucunın içinde yassıladıb merdane ile açdıḳdan songra iḳtiza eden içi ḳoyub iki ḳat idub üzerine yumurta sarisını sürerek furuna vermeli.  Hamuru bir ḳaç yumurta, ve say yaġı ile yoġurub terki terki edib aralarına yaġ sürerek üst üste ḳomalı, badehu evvela merdane ile ve sonray oḳlavu ile incecik açıb içine yaġ serṗmeli, ve o yufḳayı üç dört ḳat birbir üstüne ḳavuşdurub ḳararca kesmeli, ve tavada ḳızġın yaġ içinde pişirmeli. Bunun peynirlisi yaḫod ḳıymalısı daḫi olabilir.  Ḫamurı birkaç yumurṭa ve ṣaġ yaġıla yoġurup terki terki ėdüp aralarına yaġ sürerek üst üste koymalı baʿdehu merdāne ile ve ṣoñra oklava ile ince açup ince yaġ serpmeli ve ol yufkayı  üç dört kat birbiri üstüne kavuşdırup kararca kesmeli ve ṭavada kızġın yaġ içinde pişürmeli bunıñ peynirlisi yāḫūd kımalı daḫī olabilir  
After kneading the dough with a few eggs as necessary, roll it out into three layers, spreading butter between each layer, stacking them, rolling like a scroll, cutting into pieces, pinching the ends to keep the butter from escaping, flattening with the hand and then rolling out with a rolling pin, placing the required filling, folding into two layers, brushing with egg yolk, and baking in the oven.Knead the dough with a few eggs and as much butter as needed, layer by layer, spreading butter between layers, then stack them on top of each other. After rolling out first with a rolling pin and then with a thinner rolling pin, spread thin butter on it, fold the dough three or four times on top of each other, cut into size, and fry in a pan with hot butter. It can also be made with cheese or minced meat.Knead the dough with a few eggs and the right amount of butter, layer by layer, spread butter between the layers, stack them, then roll out with a rolling pin, and finally with a thinner rolling pin, spread thin butter, fold the dough three or four times on top of each other, cut into size, and fry in a pan with hot butter. It can also be made with cheese or minced meat.  

Conclusions

Now, it is time to reconsider Turgut Kut’s proposed genealogy of Ottoman cookbooks by incorporating the Armeno-Turkish cookbooks discussed in this study. This inclusion significantly expands Kut’s genealogy, revealing a more intricate and interwoven relationship between the culinary traditions recorded in Ottoman Turkish and those in Armenian letters. This expanded genealogy offers a more comprehensive understanding of the historical development of Ottoman culinary literature.

Based on Turgut Kut, Açıklamalı Yemek Kitapları Bibliyografyası. Eski Harfli Yazma ve Basma Eserler. Ankara 1985, 22.

The examination of Yemek ve Hamur İşleri Tertibi (1861) highlights the significant yet overlooked role of Armeno-Turkish cookbooks in the culinary literature of the Ottoman Empire. This cookbook fills a gap in the historiography of Ottoman/Turkish cookbooks and establishes critical connections between various culinary texts across different languages and scripts. By comparing the recipes and content with other historical cookbooks, it becomes evident that there was substantial interaction and mutual influence between cookbooks written in Ottoman Turkish and those in Armenian letters. Finally, considering Hovhannes Karnetsi’s work on an extensive cookbook including Armenian and Ottoman dishes in Istanbul during the 1820s, it becomes evident that the history of Ottoman cookbooks will always remain incomplete without incorporating such texts into research. [13]


[1] I would like to sincerely thank Fr Simon Bayan, the librarian in charge of the Library of the Mekhitarist Congregation in Vienna, for the opportunity to review the book. Many thanks also to Ani Sargsyan and Hülya Çelik for their support and corrections.  A Turkish version of my prestantion at the Turkologentag 2023 has been published in Yemek ve Kültür 75,1 (2024): 60-66. The cookbook will be published by Aras Publishing House in 2025.

[2] Henry Notaker, A History of Cookbooks. From Kitchen to Page over Seven Centuries (Oakland, California 2022), ix.

[3] Turgut Kut, Açıklamalı Yeme Kitapları Bibliyografyası. Eski Harfli Yazma ve Basma Eserler (Ankara: Feryal Basımevi,1985), and Turgut Kut, “A Bibliography of Turkish Cookery Books up to 1927”, in Turkish Cuisine, ed. Arif Bilgin, Özge Samancı (Ankara: Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2008), 329-337; Sidar, Ergen, Son Dönem Osmanlı Yemek Külütüründe Ermeni Mutfağının Katkısı: Ermeni Harfli Türkçe Yemek Kitapları (İstanbul: Libra Kitap, 2019); Özge Samancı, “Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet Dönemlerinde Yemek Kitapları”, Anatolia: Turizm Araştırmaları Dergisim, 31,2 (2020): 205-210.

[4] Mehmed Kâmil, Melceü’t-Tabbâhîn. Aşçıların Sığınağı (İnceleme – Metin – Tıpkıbasım), eds. Günay Kut and Turgut Kut (İstanbul: T.C. Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu, 2015).

[5] Ergen, Ermeni Harfli Türkçe Yemek Kitapları, 62-65.

[6] Turgut Kut, “Aşçılarn Anahtarı-Miftahü’t-Tabbâhîn”, Yemek ve Kültür 17 (2009): 119-127.

[7] Hasmik Stepanyan, Ermeni Harfli Türkçe Kitaplar ve Süreli Yayınlar Bibliyografyası (1727-1968) (İstanbul: Turkuaz Yayınları, 2005, 118.

[8] [T. V.], Yeni Yemek Kitabı ve Hamur İşleri. Şimdiki Usuller ve Meşhur Aşçıların Kullandıkları Tertibler Üzerine (İstanbul: Tabhaneyi T. Dividcyan, 1871).

[9] [T. V.], Yeni Yemek Kitabı ve Hamur İşleri. Şimdiki Usuller ve Meşhur Aşçıların Kullandıkları Tertibler Üzerine (İstanbul: Tabhaneyi T. Dividcyan, 1871).

[10] Vağinag Pürad, Mükemmel Yemek Kitabı 1926 (İstanbul: Aras, 2010), 175-6, 178, 184, 188.

[11] Özge Samancı, Yeni Yemek Kitabı (İstanbul: Yemek ve Kültür, 2016).

[12] Samancı, Yeni Yemek Kitabı.

[13] Greta Grigoryan, Գրետա Գրիգորյան, «Հայ խոհանոցին նվիրված Հովհաննես Ամիրայան-Մամիկոնյան Կարնեցու աշխատությունները», Լրաբեր հասարակական գիտությունների, հմր․7, Երևան, Հայկական ՍՍՀ ԳԱ հրատարակչություն, 1986, էջ  70-74 (Greta Grigoryan, “ The works of Hovhannes Amirayan-Mamikonian dedicated to Armenian cuisine”, Herald of Social Sciences 7 (1986): 70-74).